Witch Hunt
After
Ali Abunimah and Hussein Ibish published in the Internet their
letter against Shamir, broad polemic pro and contra broke out in
the cyberspace. The following is a volume of the polemics on
Shamir, anti-Semitism, and policies of the Jewish supporters of
Palestine.
Lana
Turner
My
friends asked me to comment on the letter of Ali Abunimah and
Hussein Ibish. They spoke against what they feared might be my
anti-Semitism. I am certainly pleased with their principled stand.
As a Jew and a man, I salute them. Any irrational aversion to Jews
should be certainly eradicated and condemned. While saluting their
good intentions, I consider their judgment to be somewhat
premature. It is based on my Easter greetings which they failed to
understand. Christopher Bollyn of The SPOTLIGHT stated it well. He
wrote:
"I
realize that neither of you are probably deeply immersed in
Christianity, but you must understand that Shamir …compares the
Israelis, Jews, and Americans to spectators of an execution that
they can do something to prevent. "I say to you, each one of
us has to see oneself as is he personally stands on Via Dolorosa,
and decides, whether the execution will be carried out. If we keep
our mouth shut, we deserve to be called 'Christ killers'. If we
stop it, we shall change history. The sins of the past, scarlet as
blood, will become white as snow,"
Shamir
wrote. He is demanding that Jews, Israelis, and Americans do
something to prevent the bloodbath that is occurring in Palestine
as we speak."
Indeed,
while the Jews of old provide background to the Passion, all of us
are the background of the present suffering of the Palestinians,
which was the theology behind my Take Two. In other words, all of
us, Jews and Gentiles alike, are 'the Jews' of the Palestinian
Passion.
I
perceive the excitement of Mr Abunimah and Mr Ibish could be
generously explained away by their relative innocence of theology
and history. They even put the exclamation mark of 'sic' after my
words, failing to recognize the quotation from the prophets
(scarlet sins and white snow) which is a part of Yom Kippur
liturgy. They are not attuned to read what I wrote.
Anyway,
Ali Abunimah and Hussein Ibish are entitled to their opinions.
Their concern for the purity of the Palestinian banner meets my
approval. However, my appreciation of their position is slightly
diminished by some additional facts. The present accusatory letter
is not the first, nor the second they composed in connection with
my humble self. In their previous letters, the accusation of
anti-Semitism was absent, but they called me alternatively a
Mossad agent, a pursuer of Arab money, and even a false pretender
to the high rank of an Israeli Russian journalist and a Vesti
columnist. Such insistence combined with inconsistence makes one
wonder if their goals were limited to fighting anti-Jewish
prejudice. If I were a suspicious man, I would probably suspect
their motives.
But I
am ready to give Ali Abunimah and Hussein Ibish full benefit of
any doubt. It is probable that they were motivated not by spite
and envy, not by a fear of competition or of 'rocking the boat',
not by working in cahoots with the Jewish lobby, but by nobler
feelings. They remind me of the young police officer in this
period piece movie, LA Confidential, who tries to arrest a blond
Lana Turner look-alike, and proclaims: "a hooker who looks
like Lana Turner is still a hooker, not Lana Turner." His
colleague stops him: "she IS Lana Turner!" The kid made
a silly mistake.
In
plain words, I do not pretend to be a friend of Palestine: I am a
friend of Palestine. I am quite used to this sort of accusations,
they are the professional hazard for whoever is engaged in the
struggle. A fainthearted man should fight for the well-being of
whales, as it is a noble cause that brings no flak.
Now I
shall refer to other concerns raised by Ali Abunimah and Hussein
Ibish. As for my alleged comparison of the Jews with 'virus', I
quote the lines of Ellen Cantarow, who was present at the talk.
"I
do want to stress that the comment about "viruses" cited
by Ali in his letter was taken out of context. I was there; I
heard the talk. This is NOT what Shamir said. Which makes me feel
that THE JERUSALEM POST reference should be looked up in context.
I do not feel it wise, when one has not read the entirety of a
text, especially in a controversy like this one, to fan the flames
by circulating partial statements. For those on the limited list
to whom I send this note, in the Tufts talk Shamir referred to the
movie "Matrix," with its references to
"organic" "mammals" and to predatory viruses.
He then said that the original Palestinian population had an
"organic" relation to the land in Palestine, whereas the
European-Jewish immigrants and colonists did not, and in their
consequent actions, expelling the original inhabitants, destroying
villages with beautiful architecture, etc., could be compared to
the "viruses" in "Matrix." I find this in
perfect keeping with his "Dulcinea" essay and other
pieces".
I
would add to it, that in my opinion every man, Jew or Gentile, can
choose whether to behave like a virus or like a mammal, or even as
a vulture. It is actually an idea deeply rooted in the Zionist
discourse of Hertzl and Borochov, who wished to reconnect Jews and
soil as the means of rejuvenation of the Jewish people. In my
opinion, it failed because the settlers did not connect to the
native inhabitants of the land.
Let
us move on to the blood-libel accusation in the Jerusalem Post,
repeated by Ali Abunima and Hussein Ibish. This Conrad Black
newspaper wrote: "One of NIF's beneficiaries is the
Israel-Palestine Friendship Center in Tel Aviv. The center
promotes the Palestinians' 'right of return' to their pre-1948
homes. Two weeks ago, Russian-language journalist Israel Shamir
told a largely Jewish audience: 'Jews only exist to drip the blood
of Palestinian children into their matzas.' No one
protested."
It is
obviously rubbish. I certainly did not say the words they
attribute to me. Have no doubt, the nice middle-class Jewish
audience in Tel Aviv, where the misquoted talk was given, would
protest such silly stuff instead of pouring their love on the
speaker. The purpose of the JP allegation was to smear these
wonderful people, who work very hard on charity lines to feed the
hungry and clothe the needy in the besieged villages. It is to be
regretted that Ali Abunimah and Hussein Ibish were deceived by the
right-wingers' blood libel against Israeli supporters of
Palestinian rights.
As
for the blown out of proportion question of whether I write for
Vesti, one answer was given by the brilliant columnist of a
Jerusalem newspaper, Kol Ha'ir, Haim Baram. He wrote: "Who
cares if Mr Shamir writes in Vesti or not? His articles are
interesting and his approach non-conformist. Somehow, I don't
really believe that you were out to vindicate Shamir, but rather
to discredit him. I reject your dubious endeavour (on behalf of
the fascist settlers?) with utter contempt."
Just
for the sake of clarity I may add that I was asked to discontinue
my regular column CONTRA in the Vesti newspaper after the Rape of
Dulcinea was published, at the request of a certain American
Jewish journalist attached to the staff of JP. It is a loss of
income and of means to access my Russian Israeli audience, but I
can bear it without regret.
What
I do regret that at the time Sharon is bombing Lebanon and
re-conquering Gaza I have to waste the much needed time of myself
and of you on such silly accusations. I thank all of you who wrote
me letters of support. Now enough of this stuff, I shall not refer
to it any more and I ask you to refrain from writing more to me on
this subject. Let us concentrate on the question of Palestine.
As a
Russian poet wrote about a pilot arrested by Stalin after he
returned to Russia from the Civil war in Spain, "The insult
hurts, but it is not the issue: let my destiny befall me, it is
the destiny of mankind I am worried about."
My
dear friend, you HAVE landed yourself in a world of controversy,
haven't you. I have a very small streak of the same lunacy in me;
it ruined an academic career and still lands me in trouble on
occasion. If we ever meet again I'll tell you about the letter I
published in THE HARVARD CRIMSON against my department chairman
when I was a beautiful young graduate student. But - sigh - I
guess the years have worn down my sharp edges; I'm less reckless
than you, who seem still to have a young romantic rebel's heart. I
assume you're on the Al-Awda list and have read all the messages
in question. Here is one I just sent to those on the list who were
disturbed by the "Easter" essay:
My
own view about Shamir is that he's a brilliant and eccentric
writer, sometimes politically imprudent, not anti-Semitic. I don't
think the Easter essay was a bad essay, in fact it was an
interesting essay - but politically unwise. On the other hand one
cannot expect a poet-journalist and magic surrealist, if I may
characterize Shamir as such, to be a political tactician or a
person who doles out his views to fit his audience. That he is an
iconoclast is what attracts his readers and sometimes repels them.
Anyone who wants to come to hear Shamir may do so; those who feel
his view odious may stay away; those who want to question him
about them may do so.
I do
want to stress that the comment about "viruses" cited by
Ali in his letter was taken out of context. I was there; I heard
the talk. This is NOT what Shamir said. Which makes me feel that
THE JERUSALEM POST reference should be looked up in context. I do
not feel it wise, when one has not read the entirety of a text,
especially in a controversy like this one, to fan the flames by
circulating partial statements. For those on the limited list to
whom I send this note, in the Tufts talk Shamir referred to the
movie "Matrix," with its references to
"organic" "mammals" and to predatory viruses.
He then said that the original Palestinian population had an
"organic" relation to the land in Palestine, whereas the
European-Jewish immigrants and colonists did not, and in their
consequent actions, expelling the original inhabitants, destroying
villages with beautiful architecture, etc., could be compared to
the "viruses" in "Matrix." I find this in
perfect keeping with his "Dulcinea" essay and pieces.
Still,
it is irrelevant, and i "I say to you, each one of us has to
see oneself as is he personally stands on Via Dolorosa, and
decides, whether the execution will be carried out. If we keep our
mouth shut, we deserve to be called 'Christ killers'. If we stop
it, we shall change history. The scarlet as blood sins of past
will become white as snow," Shamir wrote.
PJ
Party: Israel Shamir and Critics
by
Harry Clark - Religious Rhetoric - ----- Original Message
----- From: Ran Greenstein To: ALEF
I
suspect it is the product of inability to deal with real issues,
and a cheap attempt to appeal to religious prejudices in order to
mobilise support for political causes. To use notions of blood
guilt, mixed with notions of greed and conspiracy to control the
world, especially at Easter (and Pesah) time, is an old trick
aimed to associate Jews (not Zionists or Israelis) with murder of
the innocent. While I normally reject the equation of anti-zionism
with anti-semitism, in this case it seems irrefutable. Only
someone completely ignorant of Jewish history and the history of
anti-semitism would fail to see it. My concern with this approach
is not merely that it is morally wrong, but that it is also
politically stupid, and serves to undermine the just cause of the
Palestinian anti-colonial struggle.
Ran
Greenstein Johannesburg, South Africa
-----------
Mr
Greenstein, since you say you've never heard of Israel Shamir, you
may wish to visit http://shamir.mediamonitors.net/index.html for a
bio and sample of recent writings, to judge how much he can
"deal with real issues" and knows about Jewish history.
Naim
Ateek, a Palestinian churchman who has invested his life trying to
reach a modus vivendi with his Jewish counterparts, said that
Israel was turning Palestine into Golgotha. Edward Dillon, whose
piece on "Today's Via Dolorosa" from The Link I
excerpted in an earlier msg (downloadable as a Word document; open
ftp://members.aol.com/AMEU/linktext/ViaDFTP.doc in your browser)
is also a veteran of ecumenical dialogue. Mr Greenstein, are they
just part of the easter-seasonal tide of anti-semitic propaganda?
Benny, as a scholar of religion surely you allow religious
discourse from religious people? Perfectly sincere people are
using the most extreme terminology available, comparing the
passion of Christ to the current passion of Palestine. Shamir's
use of the "Christ-killer" epithet is simply a Jewish
escalation of the more restrained Dillon piece, and it seems
Ateek's comment, to Shamir, goaded him into it, which is admirable
in a way. Typically, discussion of this rhetoric focuses entirely
on Jewish moral claims, and ignores Jewish moral obligations, not
to accept such language stoically, but to have a defensible
position on Israel-Palestine, and to adequately address Jewish
chauvinism before before casting stones on their own behalf.
US
Jews Mostly Bankrupt
A
minority of US Jews support Palestinian rights, as shown by polls
commissioned by the US Jewish establishment (Haaretz, March 7),
percentages ranging from 20-35 on various questions. The
establishment tried to suppress those results. The polls also
showed majority support for Israel's actions, and Jewish
institutions reflect almost no dissent. In October, as Israeli
atrocities ramped up, I attended a talk on "The Future of
Israel as a Jewish State" at the University of Michigan
Center for Judaic Studies, to hear a Jewish Israeli academic call
the "new history" of Benny Morris et al.
"nihilism" and "self-doubt" while the leading
lights of Judaic Studies gazed on benignly and a Jewish grad
student raised the only objection.
There
is almost weekly some disgraceful apologetic at Hillel, which has
a blue-and-white sign out front, "Israel, Our Prayers Are
With You." Most recently, Dennis Ross was managed like Stalin
before the Central Committee, allowed 30 min of breezy dissembling
about the total collapse of his policy, followed by
"discussion": no mike, questions only on index cards
(pencil and card on each and every chair) read by the moderators.
Recall
the extraordinary appearance at the Yale Political Union in March
of Elyakim Haetzni, co-sponsored by Yale Friends of Israel and the
Peres Center at Yale (Haetzni once called for Peres's
assassination, according to the Jewish Israeli grad student who
reported it to ALEF). This right-wing fanatic was not opposed by
any speaker, and advanced a "resolution" that
"peace with the Palestinians was not possible" which
"carried" by a lopsided vote, in a bizarre parody of
debate. The grad student was arrested after interjecting, when
Haetzni proclaimed his merciful attitude toward Palestinians, if
that included the massacre of 30 of them by his fellow settlers.
Progressive
Judaism
The
latest expression of the "progressive Jewish" ("PJ")
conscience is the "Jewish Unity for a Just Peace"
conference in Chicago May 4-5. This appears to be the outgrowth of
Not In My Name, which began as angry, creative spark when a
computer consultant and author, Steven Feuerstein, appeared
outside the confab of Jewish leaders in Chicago last fall, where
Barak spoke, with signs and leaflets, his first experience of
activism. I was impressed, but when I saw a call for a conference,
wondered when the dull gray moths of PJ would arrive, led by
Michael Lerner, Tikkun editor and proud father of an IDF soldier,
who has yet to oppose US funding of Israel. I didn't have to wait
long.
Jewish
Unity's language and program are recycled from similar impulses
during the first intifada 10+ yrs ago, and the Israeli invasion of
Lebanon 10 yrs before that. Here we are in 2001, Sharon is PM,
Palestine is getting the Warsaw Ghetto treatment, and the
announcements only refer discreetly to a "variety of
views" and propose a lowest common denominator of
"completely ending occupation of the West Bank, East
Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip," all the while disingenuously
protesting "mainstream" Jewish organizational and media
views (see http://www.junity.org).
PJ follows, does not lead, events. "Jewish Unity" means
Jewish consensus, Jewish limits, the pale of acceptable opinion,
beyond which one cannot go. Marc Ellis has long denounced Lerner
and his PJ establishment. (Not in My Name continues independently,
with links to the SUSTAIN project of ending US funding of Israel,
and other interesting views: http://www.nimn.org
) Jewish Contribution to Right-Wing Politics and Ideology
In
addition to common humanity, the model of "Jewish
identity" required is that of classical anti-Zionism, or the
"modern, secular Jewish tradition" as Israel Shahak
calls it: the classical liberal, Enlightenment ideals of juridical
citizenship, equality of all citizens before the law, separation
of church and state, etc. Jewish engagement with this tradition
includes Spinoza, Moses Mendelssohn, Reform Judaism, the Jewish
presence in liberal causes, from social democracy to bolshevism,
the extraordinary Jewish cultural efflorescence in central Europe
in the 19th century, the epic migration to the US, and avid
pursuit of the opportunities of liberal society.
This
model suffered a catastrophic defeat in Germany 1933-45, but
Zionism agreed totally with that logic, if not its ultimate
expression. Herzl (and Zangwill and the Territorialists) were the
last Zionists to be concerned with the Jewish nation of eastern
Europe, in their quixotic fashion, with grandiose plans to
evacuate millions to Argentina, East Africa, Palestine, wherever.
The Jewish masses needed no false messiahs, and moved to the US.
After
Herzl's death Zangwill and the Ts left the movement, which recast
itself as an elite project of national renewal, concerned with
"the problems of Judaism, not of Jewry" in Ahad Ha'am's
lofty phrase. The Zionists agreed completely with the anti-Semites
on the failure of liberal society and need of a separate state for
Jews. At the Versailles conference the Jewish national movement
politicked for the British Mandate and its Palestine project,
leaving the fate of the Jewish nation in the former Russian
imperial domains to the American Jewish Committee, who sought
minority rights guarantees in the new states.
When
the Nazis came to power US Jewish activists started the boycott of
German goods; the Zionists responded with the Transfer Agreement.
These complex arrangements used the assets of wealthy German Jews
to export German goods through Palestine, earning foreign exchange
for Germany, breaking the boycott and handing the Nazis a major
practical and propaganda victory when the regime was just finding
its feet and vulnerable to world pressure. Transfer was also a
boomlet for the Jewish Palestine economy, and got a relative
handful of Jews out of Germany.
The
Zionists undermined the democracies' Evian Conference on Jewish
humanitarian relief after Kristallnacht because it detracted from
their national project. Throughout the war, in the US, the UK and
Palestine, they saved their political capital for the coming
struggle over Palestine, rather than expending it agitating about
the Judeocide and for rescue, (and collaborated in various ways
with the Nazis, as in the Kastner affair, etc)
In
1945-48 they drove the British out of Palestine, conducted the
Truman Administration's Palestine policy like Leonard Bernstein
leading the New York Philharmonic, routed the indigenous
Palestinian forces, "colluded across the Jordan" with
King Abdullah to divide Palestine, and routed the Arab armies who
reluctantly entered the fray after May 15, expelling 750,000 or so
Palestinians by design and default.
The
rest, as they say, is history, of internal "Judaization"--indigenous
dispossession and ethnic cleansing--and malignantly aggressive
foreign policy. A quarter-century of occupation of the territories
conquered in 1967 culminated, in dramatically changed
international circumstances, in the collapse of the PLO and its
enlistment as Israel's quisling in administering Palestinian
bantustans. The pent-up frustration has finally shaken that
diabolical arrangement to its rotten foundations, and it is
unclear if Dennis Ross can put it back together as he expects.
In
sum, there has never been a positive reason to be a Zionist.
Israel's cultural and intellectual accomplishents are fatally
compromised by Zionism; how could it be otherwise, given the daily
headlines? Yerah Gover, in "Zionism: The Moral Limits of
Israeli Hebrew Fiction", judges Hebrew literature. Israel
Finkelstein and Menahem Ussishkin are trying to overturn the
biblical interpretations of archaeology, against heavy resistance.
The "new historians", celebrated in the west, are
marginal to Israeli society. Ilan Pappe dismissed
"post-Zionism", likewise celebrated, as a cultural
phenomenon of negligible political impact.
he
"Diaspora" must be affirmed as the locus of positive
Jewish accomplishment; see Joel Finkel's admirable statement on
the NIMN site. Jacob Neusner once called Israel an
"intellectual backwater of the Jewish world" in the
Washington Post. Zionism must be seen simply as the Jewish
contribution to modern right-wing politics and ideology. It
replaced the pre-modern "Jewish question" with a new
"Jewish state question." Whatever else it may be, Israel
is a rabidly chauvinist, militarist, religious, nuclear-armed
Jewish ghetto.
Solution
States
The
classical anti-Zionist solution was a democratic, secular state in
all of Mandate Palestine. 5-10 yrs after the 1967 war, proposals
for a two-state solution became staples of diplomacy, except for
Israel and the US. A 2-state solution also became the conventional
wisdom of the Respectable Left in the US, idealistic talk of a
unitary state, and of the illegitimacy of Zionism, being eschewed
as unpragmatic. RL overlaps but is not identical with PJ; Middle
East Report is the leading voice; Prof Joel Beinin of Stanford,
long a pillar of MER, is a co-organizer of the PJ conference. His
1990 book, "Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics
and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965"
eruditely reduces internationalist history and outcomes to mutual
acceptance of a 2-state solution.
Such
pragmatism is much a historical artifact as Ottoman banknotes. As
the PLO was inching toward its 2-state acceptance in Algiers in
November, 1988, Israel was engorging Jerusalem, the West Bank and
Gaza, blasting the PLO out of Lebanon, killing its leaders in
Tunis, and crushing the Intifada. When the PLO, literally and
figuratively bankrupt, adopted Zionist practice and made the
movement the raison d'etre of the nation by becoming Israel's
quisling partner at Oslo, it was recognized in Israel as Zionism's
greatest victory since 1948, the end of hopes for genuine
Palestinian sovereignty.
A
Palestinian state entered Israeli political discourse precisely
because it became a fig leaf for apartheid. Israeli policy itself
is raising the classical solution of a unitary, democratic state
in Palestine. There is one today--for Jews. Israeli policy is also
raising darker possibilities. As demographic and economic factors
imperil Jewish statehood, the Israeli establishment contemplates
"transfer" of the Palestinians, both those under
occupation and even its own citizens ("A Very Moving
Scenario", Yair Sheleg, Haaretz, March 23).
Israel
Shamir finds the comparison with apartheid unfair to white
supremacy, which never used tanks and helicopter gunships against
black townships, calling Zionism "creeping genocide"
("Mamilla Pool", http://shamir.mediamonitors.net/april242001.html
) What might induce the millions of undesirables to assent to the
"moving scenario" isn't explained, but walking or loping
genocide will certainly help.
Since
Oslo, there have been periodic calls to restart the Palestinian
solidarity movement as a struggle against Zionist apartheid, like
the South Africa liberation movement. Edward Said recently called
("Time to Turn to the Other Front", Al-Ahram, March 30)
for depicting the Palestinian struggle as one of liberation. Said
rejects a two-state solution, calling for a bi-national state,
recognizing that Zionism is wrong in principle. It cannot be so
only outside the Green Line.
I am
not concerned with immediate outcomes in Israel/Palestine, but
with raising the level of discussion in the US. The PJ conference
claims a media spotlight is shining on it. Let it then issue,
among other things, a ringing affirmation of universalist values,
an unequivocal condemnation of Zionism as a form of racism, and a
warning against Jewish chauvinism, not a 25-yr old call to
"end the occupation."
Let
it lead, not follow, the minority of US Jews who disagree with the
Israeli government and their own establishment. Let it be as
radical as Martin Buber, Judah Magnes, and Edward Said. The gulf
between such action and the PJ mindset measures the failure of
left Jewish intellectuals to educate about Zionism, to question
the legitimacy of a Jewish state, due to misguided pragmatism, or
to their own chauvinism.
Universalism
The
Israel lobby, a galaxy of formally and informally related, mostly
Jewish institutions of all sorts, has obviously not invented the
characteristics of US society that it so enhances and supports on
Israel's behalf, namely, its imperial reach, its militarism, its
racism. Yet to consider the relationship of US policy on the
Arab-Israeli conflict to Jewish activity is to encounter PJ yet
again, or its intellectual outer works, the Respectable Left. The
RL (in addition to Middle East Report Stephen Zunes is an acolyte
on this point) claims that Jewish activity makes no difference
whatever, that US policy would be exactly the same in its absence.
RL truncates Marxist outcomes to a two-state solution in the
Middle East, but in the US is all rigorous political economy,
rejecting national factors like Lenin and Trotsky attacking the
Bund.
This
claim is preposterous to the naive observer, and it trips at the
starting line, in the nascent Israel lobby's virtuoso
orchestration of the Truman Administration's Palestine policy
1945-48, when it prevailed over the unanimous wish of the foreign
policy establishment and elite opinion generally.
t
would also fail at the finish line, in the extraordinary
Zionisation of Middle East policy under Clinton: unprecedented
intervention to make Martin Indyk a US citizen to head the Middle
East desk at the National Security Council and his "dual
containment" of Iran and Iraq. Richard Murphy, ex-State
Department official, attributed DC entirely to the Israel lobby,
urging Clinton to open negotiations with it, like treating with a
foreign power.
Iraq
sanctions are openly violated. Iran has concluded detente with its
Arab Gulf neighbors despite US efforts to foment division, and is
leading the race for Central Asian gas and oil exploitation, as US
firms clamor for access to Iranian markets. The true "fateful
triangle" is the Jewish state, the US Israel lobby, and the
US national security state.
Denial
of US Jewish organizations' responsibility in US Middle East
policy is related to suppression of universalist ideas of Jewish
identity in relation to outcomes in Israel/Palestine. When you
cannot accept the former you have no reason to explore the latter;
when you cannot talk of the latter, you have no positive examples
to counterbalance the former.
Also
undeniable is that the PLO's stewardship of the Palestinian cause
has been a total disaster. The "cult of the gun" that
Edward Said derided decades ago blossomed into Arafat's national
security statelet with its myriad police and intelligence
services. As Israel has overplayed its irredentist hand, every
official gunman could become a patriot by pulling the trigger. The
possibility of a non-violent, popular, Gandhian struggle like the
first Intifada, and the early phase of the current one (still
asserted at times), is overwhelmed in feeble military sallies and
Israel's head for an eye, jaw for a tooth response.
Of
course the PLO and the Palestinian people have tried peace, in
many ways, and Israel has always responded with literal or
figurative war, most recently in exploiting the Oslo regime.
Recent non-violent efforts have met with repression, precisely
because they are more threatening. Baruch Kimmerling condemned the
violence of the IDF and settlers, the ceaseless engorgement of
Palestinian land, the siege-like control of movement, the infinite
harassment and humiliation, and the immoral, stupid bombings
within the Green Line, while affirming the Palestinians'
"Right to Resist" the flagrantly immoral and illegal,
34-year old occupation (Haaretz, March 27).
For
what polls are worth in occupied Palestine, Palestinians are
deeply embittered, no surprise ("73% of Palestinians Support
Suicide Bombings", Daniel Sobelman, Haaretz, April 24). Many
apparently feel there is little choice between the Oslo treatment
and the Warsaw Ghetto treatment even in the short run. Our task is
addressing not Palestinian tactics, but the US govt, whose support
alone enables Israel to oppress and abuse them, which is
overwhelmingly responsible for the perpetuation of the conflict.
In
that task, Palestinian supporters in the US have also failed.
Rather than assert democratic values, and criticise the corruption
and incompetence of the PLO, supporters merely chanted a stupid
slogan, "recognize the PLO". They were totally
unprepared when the PLO walked off a cliff at Oslo. Eight years
later, as Oslo collapses and the solidarity movement rebuilds, it
faces a huge moral and practical deficit, having now to assert
democracy and accountability, above all, to reach the American
people effectively, after Oslo's crippling precedents.
Edward
Said recounted ("Time to Turn to the Other Front", Al-Ahram,
March 30) a decision by leading Palestinian businessmen and
intellectuals late in 1982 to undertake a comprehensive
information campaign in the West, recognizing that informing those
publics is half (or more) of the battle. The campaign did not
materialize for reasons Said cannot recall. In "These Are the
Realities" (Al-Ahram, April 19) Said calls for a
"movement of everyone" for Palestinian liberation,
including elements of the US Jewish community and the Israeli
public.
PJ is
parochial, not universalist. The JUNITY agenda begins with a
presentation on how Jewish traditions inform peace activism, and
the balance of the program is much concerned with Jewish outreach
and education. Its favored mode of interaction is the
"Arab-Jewish dialogue", which it enters from a position
of moral equivalence, or even superiority, e.g., " 'We' have
suffered, you have suffered, let's talk." (See Edward Said's
scathing account of "dialogue" in "Peace and Its
Discontents"). Jewish Unity invites a favored Arab-American,
Ali Abunimah ("Working With Our Allies") to certify its
presentation.
PJ,
as formulated for years at Tikkun, may be collapsing under the
weight of circumstances. If the Jewish Unity conference began in
tired PJ terms, the proposals now on the web site go beyond it on
many issues, including one that emphasizes working with others. As
Marc Ellis wrote of PJ attitudes, "Jewishness is important,
but it is not enough." We need, not PJ slumber parties, but a
conference to found an all-party movement, not to celebrate Jewish
(or anyone's) ethics, but to begin with hard thought about how and
why we have arrived at the present disaster, surely the
prerequisite to charting the way out.
he
maturation of Arab-American politics is also necessary. As long as
Jewish groups brings to the table the most effective initiatives
like the Campaign Against Home Demolition, or congressional
proposals against Israel's funding, they may bring their
presumption with them (compare those projects to the content of
ADC or Al-Awda sites). This is in part a function of inherent
Jewish access to the oppressor camp, as well as greater experience
in US political culture.
Shamir's
Critics
This
is the landscape in which Israel Shamir appeared, a fresh,
eloquent voice, some of whose rhetoric raised some Jewish hackles.
Stanley Heller at least attached his name to his objections (see http://www.thestruggle.org/interview.html
). In a later e-mail he explains that then he was 95% satisfied
with Shamir's views, but after the Easter
"Christ-killers" remark, became neutral. Heller does not
state his views on Naim Ateek, or Edward Dillon, Palestinian and
US churchmen, who both compared the passion of Christ to the
passion of Palestine; he doesn't understand or care that Shamir's
statement was an angry, Jewish escalation of his friend Ateek's
statement to him. Heller notes that Shamir "was heavily
criticized for this by reknowed Palestinian media critic Ali
Abunimah and Hussein Ibish." Like many, I've admired the work
of Ibish and Abunimah in speaking out and rallying a new
generation of activists. They are correct to be concerned about
the rhetoric of criticism of Israel and of US Jewish support for
it. There has been a sad escalation in ethnic and religious
attacks from the Arab side since last fall, which only matches the
Zionist side, but cannot be countenanced if we hope to campaign
against Zionist depredations.
Shamir's
(and Ateek's and Dillon's) rhetoric is not mine; I'm neither a
Jewish provocateur nor a practicing Christian. But with artistic
insight Shamir addresses the origins of Jewish chauvinism in
"chosenness" and distinctions between Jews and non-Jews
in Talmudic Judaism, as well as pointing to its genocidal
potential. Israel Shahak and Norton Mezvinsky also feel Jewish
religion is the foundation, whatever Zionism later added or
expressed in secular terms.
This
is not a subject US Jews like to consider. It is not a subject I
like to consider. What satisfaction is there in pointing out
others' faults? But while my tax dollars support institutionalized
atrocities rationalized by Zionist ideology, I will consider it.
The fire-breathing Birmingham (MI) Temple, home of famed
Reconstructionist Rabbi Sherwin Wine, declined to sponsor an
appearance of Mezvinsky, co-author with Shahak of "Jewish
Fundamentalism in Israel," without a "balancing
speaker," and "Israel Shahak does not represent
mainstream Israel, you know" (Mezvinsky began his talk in Ann
Arbor by quoting critiques of Jewish religion from Haaretz). Of
course, Shahak's critiques have long been anathema to the
Respectable Left at Middle East Report.
In
their "Dear Laurie" letter to the Al-Awda list, Abunimah
and Ibish show no confidence in the discrimination and
intelligence of the Arab-Americans whom they presume to lead, seem
to expect mass ignorance instead. They also show that their
denunciation of Shamir was not the spontaneous eruption of
conscience:
"we
received a large number of messages from long-standing allies of
the Palestinians in the Jewish community who had felt extremely
uncomfortable about Shamir"
One
such msg I saw practically squealed with delight and praised
Abunimah and Ibish for their "courage", but there is
nothing less courageous in the US than charging someone with anti-semitism.
A
simple msg to Al-Awda noting that some had reservations about
Shamir's rhetoric, with perhaps an explanatory comment, would have
sufficed. But the Abunimah/Ibish statements against Shamir are
shrill, self-righteous, almost hysterical, in contrast to Shamir's
measured and tolerant response. Stung by the PJ lash, A/I gallop
madly past any thought on the origins of the Easter msg. They
seize upon a sentence in the Jerusalem Post about one talk to
denounce Shamir as a voelkisch agitator, a view flatly
contradicted by a member of that audience (which they have not
acknowledged that I have seen).
Israel
Shamir in Toledo
Shamir
spoke in Toledo on April 18 because I forwarded an e-mail about
his availability to a member of the Greater Toledo Arab-American
Association, which organized a solid program on very short notice.
Maryse Mikhail, their elder stateswoman, with her husband Ramzy
had just endowed a lecture on Middle East Peace at the University
of Toledo. Noam Chomsky gave the first lecture in early March to a
packed ballroom of 1,200.
The
evening of the lecture I went to Toledo and met Shamir and the
GTAAA for dinner. The GTAAA are a fine group of patriots,
responding in the Arab nation's hour of need, and upholding the
better impulses of their adopted land. The organizers knew all
about the "controversy", had packets of Shamir's
writings to distribute, including Stanley Heller's interview. They
had the media all over Shamir, notices and interviews on the
evening TV news, reporter from the Toledo Blade at dinner and the
talk. There was a story in the Blade the next day, and an
editorial (not an op-ed) on April 28 about a unitary, democratic
state in Palestine http://www.toledoblade.com
Shamir's talk was perfectly unexceptionable, exemplary in many
respects. He discussed "Jewish supremacism" briefly, and
democratic values, including a single state in Palestine, inter
alia, for 25-30 minutes; he took questions for nearly an hour. 100
or so came, mostly Arab-Americans. One organizer commented that it
was the first time any of them had considered a unitary,
bi-national state in Palestine (as opposed to the Arafat regime).
Another comment was how constructive it was for Palestinians to
hear an Israeli Jew who is on their side (even if they didn't like
all they heard; "he's just another Zionist," snapped one
elderly man to me as he stalked out at the end, and other
Palestinians had criticisms).
After
the talk there were refreshments and conversation, and several of
us accompanied Shamir to a local restaurant. Christopher Bollyn,
whose citation by Shamir Stanley Heller had noted with alarm
("He did respond, but very disturbingly used as a quote of
support a writer for "Spotlight" which I understand to
be a far right anti-Jewish publication!") was at the lecture
and with us the rest of the evening. Bollyn, in his account, has
some experience in the Middle East; as a teenager in the mid-1970s
he wound up in Iran, broke, and rode a bicycle through Turkey,
Syria and Jordan to Israel. There he worked on a kibbutz and
married (and later divorced) an Israeli woman. He speaks fair
Arabic and Hebrew.
I
must confess, however, that I was shocked to find that Bollyn is
virulently, irretrievably, rude. After we'd been seated for some
time at the restaurant, Bollyn twice rearranged people to be
closer to Shamir, the second time elbowing me aside, brandishing
his camera with zoom lens like a bishop parting his flock, bumping
me down one place at the table. He then proceeded to dominate the
conversation with unoriginal questions. Shamir twice proferred the
plate of nachos to me, as if in compensation, and once said,
"Christopher, you know what you oppose, but not what to stand
for." After laughing all the way back to Ann Arbor, we did
the only decent thing and passed his name to Dear Abey at the
Auntie Deportment League. I looked briefly at a copy of The
Spotlight and found no smoking guns; a curious piece about
"suppression of white culture" was mainly about
schoolkids not being able to put confederate flags on their
backpacks. But I do not vouch for The Spotlight and Liberty Lobby
and all their connections and antecedents. I don't monitor
far-right defamation groups; I've never understood the difference
between CAMERA ("Committee for Accuracy in Middle East
Reporting and Analysis") and FLAME ("Facts and Logic
About the Middle East"). Writers are routinely cited for all
kinds of purposes and Shamir cannot be blamed for it. The question
for Shamir's critics is whether and why they have marginalized him
with Arab-Americans, a refugee from Paul Findley's congressional
district, and (presumably) a libertarian crank? When did any of
these critics stimulate an editorial in a mainstream paper about a
secular democratic state in Palestine? Of course, many (most?) PJs
don't want such a state...is that part of the problem?
Nor
can I account entirely, or even mostly, for Israel Shamir, beyond
his web page and recent writings, his talk, and a bit of
conversation, the vast majority of it unexceptionable. I've read
his web site bio and I don't really care about anything else. All
that should matter to anyone is that he has illuminating things to
say about the disaster in Israel/Palestine.
If
Shamir's PJ critics were honest about the state of Israel and US
Jewish support for it, they would be absorbed in addressing US
Jewish institutions and realize how absurd their gleeful pursuit
of Shamir is. They would "out" the chauvinism passing
for scholarly activity at Jewish academic centers across the land,
make indignant representations to Yale University, its Political
Union and Friends of Israel for bringing a racist to
"carry" an (unopposed!) "resolution" defaming
the Palestinians, among myriad examples. Let the
"Jewish Unity" conference this weekend in Chicago be
marked by raucous, emphatic disunity, by real debate about
Zionism, about "Jewish identity", history, obligations,
actions, not affirmation of comforting, familiar formulas, not
spinning wheels, but a real advance toward the peace and justice
in Palestine that we all care deeply about.
From:
"Frank Rosenthal" frank@purdue.edu
To:
"Steven Feuerstein" steven@stevenfeuerstein.com,
Dear
Friends: I also was disturbed by Israel Shamir's condescending and
accusatory response to Ali Abunimah. Mr. Shamir is apparently
unware of how much many of us value our alliance with the
Palestinian American community and specifically how much we value
the work of Ali Abunimah. Also I feel that Shamir's long response
to Ali and Ibish did nothing to address the concerns that they
raised. Those of us who object to Shamir, are not objecting to his
criticism of Israel and his support of Palestinian human rights.
That's fine. What we object to is his use of this issue to promote
an anti-Jewish agenda (e.g. portraying Jews as Christ killers).
And we object to his portraying the conflict as a religious
conflict rather than a political one. These positions are not only
wrong but they are also very divisive and detrimental to the
organizing work we are doing in support of the Palestinian
struggle and for a just peace. Frank ***************************
Frank
S. Rosenthal,
Ph.D.
From: Steven Feuerstein mailto:steven@stevenfeuerstein.com
Sent: Wednesday, April 18, 2001 1:29 PM
Friends
- I know Ali Abunimah well. He is one of the smartest and more
principled human beings I have, in fact, ever met. I am some 13
years older than him, but every time we are together I think to
myself: "I want to be like him when I grow up." Maybe
that's why I felt so disgusted by Israel Shamir's response to
concerns raised about him by Ali Abunimah & Hussein Ibish. In
this response, Shamir says (in part) that: "If I were a
suspicious man, I would probably suspect their motives. But I am
ready to give Ali Abunimah and Hussein Ibish full benefit of any
doubt. It is probable that they were motivated not by spite and
envy, not by a fear of competition or of rocking the boat , not by
working in cahoots with the Jewish lobby, but by nobler
feelings." I agree with Shamir that there are more important
things to do than to write emails. One of those things is to
challenge unprincipled and baseless attacks on individuals. The
above paragraph reflects, I believe, a severe ethical and
intellectual lapse on Shamir's part and reinforces my concerns
about him. Ali and Hussein raised serious concerns. Shamir replied
with personal attacks and word games. I also also astonished that
Shamir would rely on a reference from a journalist at Liberty
Lobby's Spotlight to support his views and reputation. Liberty
Lobby is an extreme right-wing organization with fascist and neo-nazi
inclinations. Any friend of Liberty Lobby is no friend of mine.
SF
Date: Thu, 19 Apr 2001 11:22:54 EDT From: rer137@aol.com
Subject:
Re: "witch-hunt"
How
is it a "witch-hunt"? I do not know Israel Shamir, but I
have met Ali abu Nima and he and Steven Feuerstein are friends.
Shamir, in his typical fashion, leveled an "insinuendo"
as Mayor Daley would call it against Ali. What is wrong with
defending your friends against implied slander?
Message:
6 Date: Thu, 19 Apr 2001 17:15:55 -0000 From: "fouzi slisli"
fouzislisli@hotmail.com
Subject:
Re: Re: "witch-hunt"
Dear
friends I thought manifestations of backward tribalism were
an issue and a concern only among our Arab nation. Apparently not.
This is not a question of being on Shamir's side or on A. Abunimah
et al. I actually know of all of them but have never met anyone of
them, and the issue for me is not which side to take. The issue
for me is that Abunimah and Ibish stated their
"CONCERNS" and "SUSPICIONS" with Shamir's
piece, but you are not allowing Shamir to state his
"suspicions", although his was milder than Ali's and
Ibish's were. The latter were serious charges, but it's their
right to put them forward, of course respecfully and cordially.
Nobody seems to acknowledge that Shamir did not evade the charges,
either. He answered them. He was respectful and went through the
points one by one. He did not attack Ali and Ibish, but after
explaining his position he wondered why he was being suspected,
not for any retribution I must say but simply to air the question.
Now Ali and Ibish could make a statement and clarify their
position and why they aere suspicious of Shamir's writing. They
could tells us if Shamir convinced them or not. They asked Shamir
to do it, it's just tactful yhat they return the gesture. My
question is why are you taking a defensive position on their
behalf ("What is wrong with defending your friends against
implied slander?")just because Shamir wondered aloud why is
he being suspected and quoted out of context? I am amazed that
people are going for the jugular because of an "insinuendo."
Respectfully Fouzi
Message:
7 Date: Thu, 19 Apr 2001 10:23:29 -0700 From: "Adam Gutride"
adam@legalmatch.com
Subject:
FW: Re: About Israel Shamir [2]
In
response to Fouzi Slisli, please see the message below from the
al-awda listserv about Mr. Shamir, where the debate has been
raging much more vigorously than on this list. As I wrote directly
to Ali Abunimah, I can understand why the idea of Shamir--Russian
Israeli Jew who attacks Zionism and supports Palestinians--has
such a pull on many Palestinians. But Ali's comparison to
Arab-American and right-wing Israelophile Joseph Farah--see
below--is exactly right. In addition, we are now seeing another
front opening in the PR war about the intifada: that Palestinian
resistance to Israeli aggression is part of a larger campaign of
anti-Jewish attacks throughout the world. See the article in
Ha'Aretz today "Intifada spurred an increase in anti-Semitic
attacks" http://www3.haaretz.co.il/eng/htmls/kat19_3.htm. So
the real problem with Palestinians supporting Shamir is that
American Jews, who might be convinced to be allies with
Palestinians (and whom we are trying so hard to organize) have
their fears of Arab anti-semitism reinforced, throw up their
hands, and decline to help us.
Dear
Laurie,
1) Of
course we raised these concerns with Shamir privately. Hussein
remonstrated with him at length at a meeting three weeks ago to
moderate his anti-jewish language and show greater concern for the
sensitivities of American political discourse. He dismissed those
suggestions out of hand and subsequently made the lamentable
"christ killers" and "jews-as-viruses"
statements. The man appears to be impervious to constructive
criticism.
2)
Some people in our community have in their responses to our note
revealed a great deal of hypocrisy. A principal argument deployed
is to ask us who are we to tell a Jew how to speak to Jews or
others about Jews. And that because Shamir identifies himself as
Jewish then what he is saying is fine or true or permissible. This
sort of argument has come particularly from some of those who
howled with anguish at the virulently anti-Arab writings of Joseph
Farah, an Arab-American, who has been embraced by some slow-witted
Zionists as the true, authentic voice of and about Arabs. The same
is true of Abdel Hadi Palazzi, an Italian who identifies himself
as a Muslim cleric, and who advocates the most extreme right-wing
Israeli positions vis a vis Jerusalem. We are sorry to say that
some in our community have received Shamir in precisely this
spirit. We also note that we received a large number of messages
from long-standing allies of the Palestinians in the Jewish
community who had felt extremely uncomfortable about Shamir and
who were growing more and more alarmed and alienated by our
community's apparent unqualified embrace of everything Shamir has
been saying.
3) It
is important to point out that this "conflict" and
"imbroglio" results from a very focussed note of
objection to three statements attributed to Shamir. At no point in
our note of concern do we in any way attempt to speculate as to
the motives or the mentality of Israel Shamir. Nor do we
characterize the entirety of his work. What we said then and we
are happy to repeat now is that Shamir has been introducing themes
such as "Jews as christ killers" and "Jews as
viruses" into our conversation that are at best highly
problematic and counterproductive no matter the context in which
they are introduced. Given the Arab American community's
enthusiastic embrace of Shamir, we strongly feel that it is vital
for at least some people in our community to express reservations
about these themes and to clearly state that the Palestinian
movement has no need for arguments which are based on the
villification of others.
4) We
think it would be astonishing if people could not see the
difference between our principled and focussed objection to
specific comments attributed to Israel Shamir and Shamir's own
shameless rant impugning our motives. Is there anyone who thinks
that it is reasonable for such a man to be allowed to say that Ali
Abunimah and Hussein Ibish "probably are not working in
cahoots with the Jewish lobby"? How generous of him to allow
for this, and how ridiculous that he would think that he can get
away with it. Sadly much of the response to our concerns has given
Shamir the impression that he can in fact get away with this kind
of sly accusation. At any rate a comparison of our note and
Shamir's note is sufficient to demonstrate who is raising serious
and legitimate concerns and who is flinging wild accusations.
5)
While some people may disagree with us, we continue to believe
that the moral content of the conversation on behalf of
Palestinian rights is a serious concern. It is disturbing to us
that a man about whom we know very little and who has increasingly
employed rhetoric which is indefensible should be uncritically
championed by our community. At the very least we felt we had an
obligation to register our objections publicly and to alert our
colleagues to this disturbing pattern. It is a pity that some
people have reacted in a purely emotional manner.
Yours,
Ali & Hussein
PS:
Regarding Shamir's statement: "Just for the sake of clarity I
may add that I was asked to discontinue my regular column CONTRA
in the Vesti newspaper after the Rape of Dulcinea was published,
at the request of a certain American Jewish journalist attached to
the staff of JP."
For
your information, Ali spoke with Pavel Perelmutter an editor at
Vesti this morning. Mr. Perelmutter said that Shamir has never had
a regular column in Vesti, but that it has published his articles
from time to time "with no system" and "with no
obligation."
---
In Al-Awda@y..., "King/Irani"
<capcino@c...
wrote:
Dear
All, Has Mr. Shamir killed anyone? Would that we would direct this
much passion to the indictment of Ariel Sharon, or calling a halt,
via civil disobedience or direct action, to US arms shipments to
Israel.
I do
not know Mr. Shamir personally. I was most impressed with the
first two or three of his articles I saw, particularly the
"Acid Test Failed" and the "Rape of Dulcinea,"
plus another one whose title I forgot, maybe it was "Winter
Fool, Summer Fool" or something like that. I did, however,
find some of his language in the last two articles too rough and
too close to the discourse of conventional anti-Semitism. But
having corresponded by email on several occasions and by telephone
once with Mr. Shamir, I do not in the least get the sense that he
is mean-spirited, ill-intentioned, an anti-semite or bigoted in
any fashion. He is definitely an iconoclastic writer, he is
clearly very well read and has a unique and compelling perspective
on historical events and political motivations. As a cultural
anthropologist, though, I'd say he does not recognize some
implicit but nonetheless powerful cultural clues and connotations
in contemporary US political discourse, and hence says things that
are then perceived as scandalous.
On
the other hand, I DO know Ali Abunimah and Hussein Ibish
personally. I admire and respect both of them greatly and think
that they are among the leading lights of their generation in the
Arab American activist/intellectual community. I could never
characterize either one of them as mean-spirited or given to
intrigue for the sake of intrigue. They are both "stand-up
guys" and I have to take their concerns and opinions
seriously since I know them and their work and thus have no reason
not to trust what they say.
So
this has left a lot of confusion in my mind. Perhaps the way out
of it is to recall the old Arab saying: "al-`amal bin-niyyah"
(The act is in the intention).
In my
gut, I do not believe that it was Mr. Shamir's intention to be
anti-semitic or offensive or to stir up venemous feelings. His
response today indicates that some of his comments may have been
taken out of context, and that another, (the one reported in the
JP), was completely fabricated. Having little respect for the JP,
I'm inclined to take his word on this one.
I
also do not believe that Ali and Hussein acted on any motivations
other than noble ones. I do not know if they raised these concerns
and critiques personally with Mr. Shamir before sending out the
message. I would hope that they had, and assume that they did.
Unless
there are other dimensions and facts that I do not yet know, and I
am open to hearing more dimensions and opinions if it is with the
intention of learning from and transcending this situation, my
suggestion is that we put this episode behind us, that those who
share concerns about justice in Israel/Palestine and the cessation
of oppression, war crimes, US military and other aid to Israel,
man's inhumanity to man, and racist discourse of all kinds, can
get back to focusing on the big issues. Or, as they said in the
Civil Rights era: "Keep your eyes on the prize."
Best
to all,
Laurie
Message: 8 Date: Thu, 19 Apr 2001 18:05:39 -0000 From:
"Charity Crouse" charitycrouse@hotmail.com
Subject: Re: Re: "witch-hunt"
i
don't know if this continued back and forth is necessary. i think
that ali and hussein raised some concerns and they were recognized
and commented on, and israel responded and raised some concerns
and they were commented on. many don't agree, but we aren't always
going to agree. i think furthering this "defense" of
anyone's points back and forth is just going to divert us from
what we need to be doing. hopefully, israel will take some of the
many comments on what his comrades deem the effectiveness or
destructiveness of his comments under consideration, and ali and
hussein can take stock in the fact that their concerns were taken
seriously and spurred a discussion that should now be applied. as
i see it, there were many strategic points raised that i think we
can depersonalize from israel, ali and hussien and talk about in a
manner which will further our collective political aims.
specifically, i'm thinking of the points raised concerning the
following things:
--effective
methods for communicating points, linking struggles and spurring
critical and constructive dialogue without appearing to condone or
promote sexist, racist, anti-Semitic or homophobic stereotpyes by
drawing on them for imagery purposes and without speaking in such
a hyperbolic manner that misinterpretation can overshadow
necessary and effective points. this is not to say that metahpor
isn't powerful, but i think that we have begun to think critically
about how methods of communication can build or hinder our further
collective movement --the need for multiple and varying voices to
be offering their perspectives on issues and engaging
others. having one spokesperson for a cause or a
"demographic" within that cause is not what a movement
based on justice, peace and democracy is about. rather than
continuing to go on about Israel's merits or detriments, or Ali
and Hussein's intentions, we should be encouraging others to
cultivate their own voices and educate themselves so that they can
function as spokespeople relative to their experiences. it's one
thing for me to say i think that Israel's comment were sexist, but
if i and others can not find a way to offer an alternative then
we're really not helping to change the world; we're just
bellyaching --thinking strategically about issues that we can take
beyond our groups and use to bring awareness to issues in the
Middle East and how the U.S. impacts Israeli policy. i'm thinking
in particular about the short discussion in the Pro-Zionist lobby,
which also delved into the problems with anti-Semitism and
Jewish/Arab representation issues as well as the need to educate
people, including Jews, to the implications and the power of
Pro-Zionist lobbyists. for a while, i was very excited by the
level of discourse that was taking place around that issue. i felt
like we were getting to a point where might be thinking
strategically, and with the Jewish Unity for a Just Peace
Conference coming up, this was inspiring to see and hopefully will
be better targetted once we can get together and brainstorm,
face-to-face, without the dubiousness of internet personnas
clouding our ability to place faith in the sincerity of one
anothers motivation.
Message:
5 Date: Thu, 19 Apr 2001 09:17:58 -0700 From: "Mashney" ami@mashneylaw.com
Subject: Re: Spotlight on Spotlight
That
goes without saying that many of us, in a knee jerk, shallow and
politically-correct reaction, mindlessly parrot smears directed
against those who remain outside the poisonous tentacles of the
Zionist Lobby. Regardless of their honorable intentions,
these people end up hampering rather than helping our cause by
assisting Zionist in smearing those who resist Zionism.
Winston Churchill once said that he was willing to ally himself
with the devil to defeat Hitler. I don't remember anyone smearing
Churchill as a diabolical veil worshipper. We need all the
allies we can get. Our first priority is to defeat Zionism. Every
other consideration is secondary to that. We cannot defeat
the Zionist Entity without first defeating Zionism.
Sami
B. Mashney
=====================
From:
"john davies"
I
have reviewed the Spotlight's website, and can find no evidence in
the reporting or the books listed for purchase, of any racism of
any kind. The attached article gets to the point of ethnic
cleansing and massacre using only the terms Zionist and Israeli,
not "Jewish". There seems to be a general
anti-bureaucratic and anti-big government theme, unfortunately to
my way of thinking linked to the Kyoto climate change treaty. But
the anti-corporate fascism themes of multinational corporate
planning, monetarism, free trade, civil resistance, nutrition,
health, are all freely debated in my own community.
I may
not agree with their underlying political ideology, or with their
lobbying against the Kyoto climate change agreement, but what I
see here presented is good critical investigative reporting.
John
Davies
_________________________
From:
ahabunim@midway.uchicago.edu
Reply-To: Al-Awda@yahoogroups.com
To: Al-Awda@yahoogroups.com
Subject: [AL-AWDA] Re: Spotlight on Spotlight Date: Thu, 19 Apr
2001 16:19:17 -0000
John,
You obviously haven't reviewed "The Spotlight" very
carefully. I found plenty of evidence of extreme right-wing and
neo-fascist views, such as the article entitled "Tidal Wave
of Aliens Aim at Southwest." But that was really one of the
most benign. There is the section on the site that posits that the
world is run by a group of high power Jewish families and other
"luminaries" who meet secretly each year called the
"Bilderberg Group," among many other things.
John,
you say you "can find no evidence in the reporting or the
books listed for purchase, of any racism of any kind." In
order to give you the benefit of the doubt I will assume you
simply overlooked the prominent link to a periodical called
"The Barnes Review" (TBR) to whose newsletter one can
subscribe directly from the site. (If you go to spotlight.org, on
the right hand side is a column called "Other Features"
where you will see a link to "TBR Supressed History").
If
you follow the link, one of the real gems you will find in the
current issue of "TBR" is an article called
"Concentration Camp Money" by one Jennifer White. Here
are the first two paragraphs of this article:
"Far
from being the "death camps" as you have heard so often,
places like Auschwitz, Dachau and Buchenwald were not in the
business of extermination. They were work camps, critical to the
German war effort. But did you know that the Jewish workers were
compensated for their labor with scrip printed specifically for
their use in stores, canteens and even brothels? The prisoner
monetary system was conceived in ghettos such as Lodz, carried to
camps such as Auschwitz and Dachau and still existed in the
displaced persons camps that were established by the Allies after
World War II. Here is the story of the money the court historians
do not want you to even suspect existed."
"Piles
of incinerated corpses were indicting images at Nuremberg, used to
prove that the German-run concentration camps during World War II
were intended for purposes of exterminating the Jews of Europe.
How ever, a plethora of documentary evidence, long suppressed,
shows that prisoners were relatively well-treated, compensated for
their hard work and allowed to purchase luxuries to which even the
German public did not have ready access. This is not the image of
abject deprivation that the Holocaust lobby would like you to
entertain."
Another
article in the latest "TBR," by one John Tiffany begins
like this:
"Some
Mexicans and Mexican-Americans want to see California, New Mexico
and other parts of the United States given to Mexico. They call it
the "reconquista," Spanish for "reconquest,"
and they view the millions of Mexican illegal aliens entering this
country as their army of invaders to achieve that takeover."
If
this is not racism of some kind, I'd be hard pressed to imagine
what is.
Ali
Abunimah
Message:
8 Date: Thu, 19 Apr 2001 11:25:11 -0500 From: "Maan M.
Hamze" mmhamze@pleiades.net
Subject: A Shamir Controversy or a case of Historic Ignorance?
Dear
Moderator; I'd like to ask you to help stop the argument raging on
Israel Shamir on your list.
|