Chesterton's Farsighted Reflections
on “The Judaism of Hitler”
Dr. Robert Hickson
28 January 2006
Saint Thomas Aquinas
Saint Peter Nolasco
(Some Implications for the Catholic Church
today amidst “the Rulers of the Sophistical and Secretive Modern
State” and “a Host of Squalid Oligarchs” in the Criminal
Financial 'Overworld')
In
the longer light of history – especially the history of
Prussianism and of National Socialism (both Germanic and Judaic)
– this essay, with the help of a good-hearted and far-sighted
Englishman, proposes for consideration a friendly warning, both
to the Catholic Church and to the Judeo-Protestant American
Imperium and its False Messianic Democracy abroad. It touches
upon the matter of Pride, which is not a strength, but, rather,
a towering weakness. It touches upon the subtle and poisoning
effects of Pride, in contrast to “the gigantic humility of the
Incarnation.”
In
1930, G.K. Chesterton wrote a farsighted and justly indignant
editorial in G.K.'s Weekly, which was entitled “An Attack
from the Altars.”
Although he was commenting on “the Modern Churchmen” who were,
with conspicuous sophistry, then subverting “the Church of
England,” we may, for our own instruction and inspiration, also
fittingly apply his conclusion to some parts of the Roman
Catholic Church today, where there would seem to be not only a
moral crisis, but also a doctrinal crisis – where even the
concept of “DOGMA” (“irreformable doctrine”) is being denied as
a permanent revelation of reality.
Speaking of “the Modern Churchmen's” novel and unfaithful
opinions, Chesterton said:
They express the realities of corruption.
These men [these comfortable “Modern Churchmen”] of substantial
wealth; of impressive education, of varied influences; have all
the powers of destruction they may wish to wield. It is not
enough to tolerate them. They must be actively opposed.
One
by one, the defenses of our
civilization are being broken down by a concentrated attack
on the mind. Rome's barbarians were a menace on her borders;
ours are also within the State [and now even within the Church].
No camouflage or hypocrisy will hide long the
affinities between the philosophy of the Modern Churchmen
(with their fellows who profess no God) and the practice
of materialism to be seen in Russia [Bolshevist Revolutionary
Russia]. Shall we begin to fight only when the battle is over?
The
disintegrations and conflations of False Ecumenism were already
underway in the Anglican Church and were soon to spread
elsewhere, even as an allurement to parts of the Catholic
Church. Such “Ecumenism” would more and more appear to be a form
of Soft and Sentimental Apostasy, which was also being then
concurrently promoted on the continent of Europe and in America
by various Congresses for Religious Syncretism.
Such a deliquescent religious syncretism always weakens the
integrity of the cultural immune system and subverts a healthy
resistance to intrusive and destructive ideologies and alien
faiths. But, in addition to this kind of Dialectic of “Solve
et Coagula” – i.e., a sort of Hegelian process of emergence
and convergence, or amalgamation and “aggregation into larger
political units” – Chesterton also saw another, narrower and
more concentrated development: namely, a certain very
incongruous combination of “heathenry and heresy;” a sort of
Hegelian consolidation of “Old Testament Christianity” and a New
Heathenism. It was the ideology of Prussianism: an eclectic
amalgamation of Lutheranism and Neo-Paganism, which then
developed into the Neo-Paganism and Hitlerian “Heresy of Race.”
It appeared to him to be deeply rooted in Prussia, although
Chesterton saw it coming from even deeper spiritual and
historical sources, as we shall see.
In
1940, ten years after his essay on the Anglican Church and four
years after his death, G.K. Chesterton was therefore able to
express, through his posthumously published book, other uniquely
farsighted reflections about both “Prussianism” and “Hitlerism”
and “this new religion of Race.” For, this was another part of
the revolutionary dialectic – “solve et coagula” – under New
Elites, which were also very anti-Catholic Elites.
This anthology of his earlier essays, entitled The End of the
Armistice,
was compiled and edited by his friend, Frank Sheed, who
published it shortly after the commencement of World War II.
Chesterton's deep discernments and warnings about the impending
danger of a “narrow national and tribal fury”
and the towering weakness of intellectual and spiritual Pride
should help us understand, in order to resist, both aggressive
American “Exceptionalism” today and its self-destructive
arrogance, and Christian (as well as Judaic) Zionism's
comparably insolent sense of “Chosenness” and “Morally Immune
Exclusiveness.” Like Chesterton's own “vivid conviction” about
neo-Pagan “Prussianism,” we see these later developments, too,
as “a poison to the world.”
One
of Chesterton's specifically profound and farsighted essays,
entitled “The Judaism of Hitler,”
will, furthermore, help us see the deeper background of World
War II; but it will also aid our understanding of the current
wars we are in, and not only in the Middle-East. We may also
thereby come to realize why there are now so many growing
barriers, and even legal penalties, as well as various
psycho-techniques of intimidation, set up against any candid
scholarly inquiry into certain neglected or hidden truths of
history, especially the history of World War II, but even of
World War I. Chesterton himself saw that “the Armistice” after
World War I was not truly a “Peace,” but rather, only “a Truce”:
a mere temporary “stacking of arms,” full of bitterness, and
with a latent explosiveness, indeed.
Chesterton, reflecting upon the then-impending second War in
Europe and the wider world, saw “Hitlerism” itself as a further
manifestation of “Prussianism,” though with an admixture of some
new “biological,” as well as “Asiatic” and often “Gnostic,”
ideological variants. “Hitlerism's” own “racial arrogance”
prompted the generous and humble Chesterton to make his own
trenchant “analysis of the heresy of Race,”
and to resist the permeating and resurgent spiritual disease of
Pride.
In
a certain sense, “Hitlerism” was for Chesterton a sort of “New
Prussia,” with an added Asiatic spirit of the Huns, as well as
the haughtiness of “the Nordic Man” and a new form of an old
thing: “the heresy of Race.” Because of this combination of
cruelty and cold Pride, Chesterton himself retained that “vivid
conviction that Prussia was Prussianism and Prussianism a poison
to the world”
– like their contemporary Asiatic analogue, Japanese militarism.
But, he adds, with his unmistakable irony: “General Goering may
be trusted to teach us better; till we learn at least that
nothing is so anarchical as discipline divorced from authority;
that is from right.”
(The New American Empire, however, with its own blinding Pride,
seems not yet to have learned this lesson: this truth about
Power divorced from moral authority and its ill-fruits of
anarchy.)
Because of its own pervasive Pride, Chesterton mightily opposed
the martial ideology of “Prussianism” and the “Prussian
militaristic government,”
even from its inception; but he especially opposed its later
public dominance over what he calls “the Old Germany,” which
included “Austria,” as well. His reasons for his resistance are
important, and timely:
As man may say, as a scientific fact, that there is in Northern
China a well of petroleum, we said [before, during,
and after World War I] that there is in Northern Europe a
fountain of poison. It is a fact; it continues to flow. It
is obviously nonsense to call it Germany. It is not really
satisfactory even to call it Prussia. It is much more
satisfactory simply to call it Pride. It is a thing of the
spirit; it is not a nation; it is a heresy [a combination of
“heathenism and Lutheranism”]. It is an ideal outside the
European ideal; outside what most of us would call the
normal human ideal. It is something alien to Europe, which
Europe cannot digest and did not destroy.
Thus, as of the early 1930s, especially, says Chesterton:
The result is that Prussia begins to reappear; which means that
Militarism [as in Japan and in Kemal Ataturk's Turkey] begins to
reappear. Prussia means Prussianism now exactly as it meant
Prussianism then; it always did, it always does, and (short of a
spiritual conversion) it always will. Prussia is a patch of
eighteenth century heathenry and heresy [and of Old Testament
Christianity], which never did believe, nor (to do it justice)
generally pretend to believe, in any sort of international ideal
or common code of Christendom [much less the Creed of Catholic
Christendom]. From the first command of Hohenzollern to the last
appeal of Hitler, it [“Prussianism”] is the most simple,
one-sided, savage tribal patriotism .... The consequence is that
Prussia is the one European State that [as of the mid-1930s] may
at any moment wage [like America today] an aggressive war. We
all said this steadily for five years [1909-1914] ...; and some
of us have always refused to unsay it. But a good many [the New
Pacifists] seem to have been ashamed for ten years [1919-1929]
of having told the truth; and are still ashamed, even when
[circa 1933-1935] the truth has once again come true.
The
reality called Europe made sense to Chesterton only when “you
see Europe as Christendom.”
Therefore, this alien thing called “Prussianism” (as an ideology
and spirit, and a stunting deformation) is something difficult
for him to characterize with fair adequacy. He says:
It is difficult to find a fit word for it [this alien spirit]
.... The nearest definition I know is this. The civilized man,
like the religious man, is one who recognizes that something
exists besides himself .... what medieval people called
Christendom or the judgment of all Christian princes; what any
Christian will call the conscience of man as a witness to the
justice of God .... But in one way or other that is the
test; that the man [or nation] does not think his
dignity lowered by admitting a general law [like the
Natural Moral Law or the Ten Commandments or the Sermon of the
Mount] though it might go against him.
Further describing this truly alien and destructive spirit of “Prussianism,”
Chesterton says:
There does really lie to the north-east between us [in Britain]
and the Christian State of Poland and the almost Asiatic State
of Muscovy, a real independent source or spring of the
opposite spirit [to traditional Christian Europe]. It is not
only something that praises itself; it is something
that needs no praise except its own .... He [i.e., the
Prussian] is simply proud of himself and his sort; and would be
equally proud of wrecking [Catholic] Christendom or enslaving
humanity. This is the problem of Prussia, which is not
even the problem of Prussians, but only of Prussianism.
It is certainly not the problem of limits they have accepted and
the [Prussian] leadership they have obeyed. But the point is
that something unbaptized and barbaric does remain among
the [European] nations; as it would say unconquered; as
we should say, unconverted; and, anyhow, entirely
unrepentant.
We
shall soon see that this “Prussianism,” in Chesterton's
farsighted understanding, is at the roots of “Hitlerism” and its
own “racial arrogance,” although “Hitlerism” ultimately drew
upon an older source, as well. The idea of a “Chosen People” can
very easily become pervaded with the spirit of Pride, which is,
once again, not a spiritual strength, but, rather, a
towering spiritual weakness.
In
such “Prussianism,” as in the more intense “racial arrogance” of
the later “Hitlerism,” Chesterton would always say: “There
is that fountain of poisonous pride, there is that isolated
idolatry of self.”
Moreover, he would add:
And clear and honest thinking must not shrink from starting
afresh with that first fact [i.e., that the 1918 Armistice was
not a Peace], that there is in Christendom,
unconverted and unconquered, a force that is not Christian.
Surely it is not so very impossible to believe that it was
this [“Prussianism”] that threatened the world with war in 1914;
when it is obviously this [i.e., this “Prussianism” which
is to be found in the new Hitlerism and in the very “Judaism of
Hitler”] that threatens it with war now [in the mid-1930s]?
With characteristic magnanimity and humility, Chesterton says:
Let us forget for a day whatever we may think about the faults
of others [like the Pride of “Prussianism”]; and pray that we
may not again wreck the hope of the world by faults of
our own. Let us pray that if the challenge [of a New War] does
indeed come again, we may not meet it by random
slander or roaring self-righteousness .... Let us
pray to be delivered from the vices and vulgarities of
our own [decadent and post-Christian] civilization; and all the
more if we sincerely believe that it is still a
civilization, and may need to be defended from something that is
still a savagery.
Becoming more specific about the deeper and now more developed
“Prussianist” threats in “Hitlerism,” a modest Chesterton
winsomely adds:
If the ruin that fell on the House of Hohenzollern [in World War
I] was, as I still believe, a doom earned and provoked by the
dehumanized pride of Prussia, we [Christians and British]
must not forget that the vast economic collapse [in 1929] that
has affected the victors [in World War I] has almost as
much of the quality of a great historical judgment; and
the rebuke of fate to our own mercantile and mechanical
[and now psycho-electronic] culture. In so far
as modern men can face such facts frankly, they will
be worthy to find peace or fitted to face war.
With this brief background-consideration of “Prussianism” and
its own “poisonous fountain of Pride,” we may now examine the
more censored and explosive topic of “Hitlerism” and its
cognates and antecedents.
Chesterton forthrightly says: “Hitlerism is almost entirely of
Jewish origin”
With his drollery and charm, he notes at once that “This truth
might not have the soothing effect which I desire;” and
playfully adds that “This simple historical explanation, if it
were written on a post-card or a telegraph-form, and addressed
to Herr Hitler's private address, might or might not cause him
to pause in his political career, and reconsider all human
history in the light of the blazing illumination with which I
have furnished him in these words”!These words, he then seriously contends, “are none the
less strictly historical”
and must now be more amply examined.
Admittedly, says Chesterton, the creative and imitative Germans
Produced a sort of Prussianism that was praised or blamed as
militarism; but they borrowed the idea of militarism from the
French .... The greatest of the Prussians [Frederick II,
Frederick the Great of Prussia] did not even conceal his
contempt for Prussia. He refused to talk anything but French, or
to exchange ideas with anybody, except somebody of the type of
Voltaire. Then came the liberal ideas of the French Revolution,
and the whole movement of German Unity was originally a
liberal movement on the lines of the French Revolution.
Then came the more modern and much more mortally
dangerous idea of Race, which the Germans borrowed from a
Frenchman named Gobineau. And on top of that idea of Race, came
the grand, imperial idea of a Chosen Race, or a sacred seed
that is, as the Kaiser said, the salt of the earth;
of a people that is God's favourite and guided by Him, in a
sense which He does not guide other lesser peoples. And if
anybody asks where anybody got THAT idea, there is only one
possible or conceivable answer. He got it [the idea of a Chosen
Race] from the Jews.
With a view to Nineteenth-Century and to Twentieth-Century
Weimar Germany, Chesterton then says, with trenchancy and some
softer irony, the following:
It is perfectly true that the Jews have been very powerful in
Germany .... But the Germans will find it very hard to cut up
their culture on a principle of Anti-Semite amputation .... But
again, it is but [i.e., only] just to Hitlerism to say that the
Jews did infect Germany with a good many things less harmless
than the lyrics of Heine or the melodies of Mendelssohn. It is
true that many Jews toiled at that obscure conspiracy against
Christendom; and sometimes it was marked not by obscurity but
obscenity. It is true that they were financiers, or in other
words usurers; it is true that they fattened on the worst forms
of Capitalism; and it is inevitable that, on losing these
advantages of Capitalism, they naturally took refuge in its
other form, which is Communism. For both Capitalism and
Communism rest on the same idea: a centralization of wealth
which destroys private property.
Probing deeper into this mystical “idea of a Chosen Race,” our
author concludes:
But among the thousand and one ways in which Semitism
affected Germanism is in this mystical idea, which came
through Protestantism [originally a kind of “Old Testament
Christianity,” as often noted]. Here the Nordic Men, who are
never thinkers, were entirely at the mercy of the Jews, who are
always thinkers. When the Reformation had rent away the more
Nordic sort of German from the old idea of human fellowship in a
Faith [the Catholic Faith] open to all, they obviously needed
some other idea that would at least look equally large and
towering and transcendental. They began to get it through the
passionate devotion of historical Protestants to the Old
Testament.
That is to say:
By concentrating on the ancient story of the Covenant with
Israel, and losing the counterweight of the ideal of the
universal Church of Christendom, they [the Protestants,
especially the “Prussianized” or “Hitlerized” Protestants] grew
more and more into the mood of seeing their religion as a
mystical religion of Race. And then, by the same modern
processes, their education fell into the hands of the Jews.
By
way of further explanation of this last sentence, Chesterton
observes:
There are Jewish mystics and Jewish sceptics; but about this one
matter of the strange sacredness of his own race, almost
every Jewish sceptic is a Jewish mystic. When they insinuated
their ideals into German culture, they doubtless very often
acted, not only as sceptics, but as cynics. But, even if they
were only pretending to be mystics, they could only pretend to
understand one kind of mysticism. Thus, German mysticism became
more and more like Jewish mysticism.
Such Judaized German mysticism – as was to be seen, in
Chesterton's view, in “Hitlerism” as well as in “Prussianism” –
was, indeed, like Jewish mysticism,
a thing not thinking much of ordinary human beings, the hewers
of wood and drawers of water, the Gentiles or the Stranger; but
thinking with intense imagination of the idea of a holy
house or family, alone dedicated to heaven and therefore
to triumph. This is the great Prussian illusion of pride,
for which [under Hitlerism] thousands of Jews have recently been
rabbled or ruined or driven from their homes.
It
was a kind of ironic vengeance, but no one who is at all fair
and just could say “that it served them right,” even though the
Jews contributed to this new and now transplanted illusion of
destructive pride.
Concluding his honest essay on “The Judaism of Hitler,”
Chesterton says:
But it is true that it all began with the power of the
Jews; which has now ended with the persecution of the
Jews. People like the Hitlerites never had any ideas of their
own; they got THIS idea indirectly through the
Protestants, that is primarily through the Prussians, but they
got it originally from the Jews. In the Jews it [“the grand,
imperial idea of a Chosen Race” or “mystical religion of Race”]
has even a certain tragic grandeur; as of men separated
and sealed and waiting for a unique
destiny. But until we have utterly destroyed it among Christians
[hence, especially among Judaized or Zionized Christians], we
shall never restore Christendom.
Chesterton, once again, wrote all of this before 1936 –
the year of his death, and only fourteen years after his
reception into the Catholic Church. In his essay, entitled
“Christendom and Pride,” G.K. Chesterton explores why there
should always be a stout and necessarily protracted moral
resistance to any “fountain of poisonous pride” and its
attendant “isolated idolatry of self” – not only individually,
but collectively, as in the case of an aggressively arrogant
nation or “self-chosen” people or “collective messianic nation.”
Pride and self-adulation are recurrent and permanent temptations
of the human mind. And a temptation wouldn't be a temptation, if
it weren't attractive!
We
must realize that Chesterton's underlying premise in this whole
argument is to defend Europe, not only against another
devastating war, but also against the spiritual poison which
foments such a blind and blundering war: the intrinsic disorder
and danger of Pride. For Chesterton, like many Catholics of his
time, “the only philosophical name for Europe” is “Christendom,”
and thus a restoration of Europe “for the common good” means a
restoration of Christendom – hence also a deeper restoration of
Humility.
Chesterton often wrote that “all goods look better when they
look like gifts” (as they did to Saint Francis of Assisi) and
“the test of all happiness is gratitude” – and, furthermore, one
cannot be truly grateful without humility.
Therefore, Chesterton is especially attentive to the “Huge Fact”
that “the mightiest revolution in the story of Man” was – and is
– essentially and inextricably bound up with the reality of
Humility.
We
may now at least come to understand better G.K. Chesterton's own
well-pondered and deeply grateful Faith, and the light it sheds
upon the practical operations of Power, especially “Power
without Grace” and “Imperial Arrogance,” with its often
attendant spiritual congealment. Moreover, learning from
Prussianism and Hitlerism, as he saw them and their effects, we,
too, may better come to understand current Zionism as well as a
contemporary form of “Americanism,” or what Israel Adam Shamir
himself calls “the Judeo-American Empire,” with all of its
uprooting and destructive effects upon the world, and upon
itself. We may also better come to understand the reactive
revival of “Right-Wing Neo-Paganism,” especially in Europe,
which is marked by “Naturalism” and “Philosophical Nominalism,”
and which is both anti-Christian and anti-Judaic, seeing
Christianity itself as a mere “enthusiastic form of disorder and
a falsely charismatic” Jewish sect!
Writing in the 1930s, Chesterton said:
Christendom ... has been confronted in these last days with
exactly the same problem which confronted it in its first days
[under the Roman Empire]. It is loosely called the problem of
Paganism; but, when reduced to its realities, it will
almost always be found, as I have already suggested, to be a
problem of Pride.
This underlying problem of Pride, he argues, was “largely common
both to the noble and the ignoble Pagans;” and “the historical
question has been confused by exaggerations on both sides.”
That is to say:
We are accustomed of late to those who slander Christendom;
but there were some who did definitely slander Paganism.
There did appear a sentimental type of Christian romance which
implied that all early Christians were like Christ, and that all
later Pagans were like Nero. To take this view is to miss
the whole point of the mightiest revolution in the story of
Man.
Despite the multitude of “heathen virtues” – justice, mercy,
“vows of chastity” – Christianity was also to imply and
accentuate something even deeper, and indeed unique:
Upon one point and one point only, was there really a moral
revolution that broke the back of history. And that was
the point of Humility. There was this definite thing about
the best Pagan; that in him dignity did mean pride. It
was a change that stood alone; and was worthy to stand alone.
For it was the greatest psychological discovery that man has
made, since man has sought to know himself. It was the
stupendous truth that man does not know anything, until he
can not only know himself but ignore himself. He must
subtract himself from the study of any solid objective thing.
For
a man of the Catholic Faith, of course, this itself is rooted in
“the gigantic humility of the Incarnation.”
But, one must, in the modest words of Albert Jay Nock, also seek
“to help the truth along, without encumbering it with oneself.”
Chesterton himself often said that “your world would be much
larger if you were smaller in it.” It is not, he thought, a good
thing to be like Kipling's orang-utan, “who had too much ego in
his cosmos.”
Chesterton then goes on to express, with gratitude, an insight
from Jonathan Swift:
As Swift profoundly said [in the Eighteenth Century], the very
definition of Honour is to “suppose the question [the disputed
question at issue] not your own” [i.e., with selfless
objectivity] .... But Pride, which is the falsification of
fact, by the introduction of self, is the enduring blunder of
mankind. Christianity would be justified if it had done
nothing but begin [in the Humility of God: the Incarnation] by
detecting that blunder. Now at this moment [i.e., in the
early-mid 1930s] that blunder is boiling up again on every side
of us in Christendom; and threatening to whelm it again in
barbarism.
In
his already-cited magnanimous and humble 1910 book, before World
War I, What's Wrong With the World, Chesterton had said
the following about a “wholesome strain” in a certain rooted
custom which wisely “begins with the body and with our
inevitable bodily brotherhood”:
All true friendliness begins with fire and food and drink and
the recognition of rain or frost. Those who will not begin
at the bodily end of things are already prigs and may soon be
Christian Scientists. Each human soul has in a sense to enact
for itself the gigantic humility of the Incarnation. Every man
must descend into the flesh to meet mankind.
This rooted attitude permanently combats, wherever it is to be
found, the esoteric, secret knowledge of the Gnostics and their
spiritual Pride and intense contempt for the purportedly human
“entrapment” in matter. Gnostics always reject the Incarnation.
They mock the Humility of God.
Later in the same book, Chesterton said:
Now (to reiterate my title) this is what is wrong [with
the world]. This is the huge modern heresy of altering
the human soul to fit its conditions, instead of altering
human conditions to fit the human soul.
And
the human soul needs humility to have “a more abundant life” and
the spiritual enlargement of love.
Five years after World War II had ended, Evelyn Waugh expressed
his own comparable conviction in and through his novel,
Scott-King's Modern Europe. After his hero, Scott-King
(“Scottie”), a teacher of Classics at the English public school
of Granchester, had experienced “Neutralia,” a compositely
fictional totalitarian state in modern Europe, his headmaster
wanted him to alter his customary teaching and to teach “some
other subject as well as the classics.... History, for example,
preferably economic history.”
Scott-King refused:
“No, headmaster.”
“But, you know, there
may be something of a crisis ahead [for you].”
“Yes, headmaster.”
“Then what do you
intend to do?”
“If you approve,
I will stay as I am here as long as any boy wants to read
the classics. I think it would be a very wicked thing indeed
to do anything to fit a boy for the modern world.”
“It's a
short-sighted view, Scott-King.”
“There, headmaster,
with all respect, I differ from you profoundly. I think
it is the most long-sighted view it is possible to take.”
G.K.
Chesterton, looking back himself on the Nineteenth-Century
Anglo-Catholic “Oxford Movement” and their own then-much-mocked
moral “suggestions of returning to Penance and Mortification,”
says the following, from his vantage point in the 1930s:
The great men of that movement lived at a moment when Pride
in the Protestant countries like England [as well as
Protestant Prussia] was swollen to bursting, partly by vulgar
wealth, partly by healthy patriotism .... Yet we have since seen
the collapse of that Victorian commercial England as completely
as Babylon or Carthage. It might be thought that other nations
would learn the lesson, if only from us. But at the
moment Pride, that monstrous and towering weakness, has risen
to do what it always does: to darken counsel, to confuse facts
by confusing motives.
Speaking of “the motive and the mood” of the German National
Socialists (as well as perhaps the Jewish National Socialists),
as it was then perceptible to him, Chesterton also says:
Unfortunately it is a hysteria of self-praise, which is
fed by its own virtues as well as its own vices. For that
is the vital or mortal weakness of Pride .... It is in no
partisan spirit that any Christian will smell evil in this vast
explosion of gas and wind. Christendom has a new battle
before it; no longer with the Lust that is called Liberty;
no longer with the Scorn that is called Scepticism; no longer
with the Envy that was called Divine Discontent; but with
something much less mixed with sympathetic elements than any
of these: with that primeval Spirit and Prince of the Powers of
the world which it [Christendom] first came upon earth to
defy.
Earlier in his analysis of “the New Germany,” in
contradistinction to “the Old Germany” of a larger Christendom,
Chesterton also spoke of “the strange self-worship of that
strange people.”
(This formulation might evoke our thoughts about other peoples
or nations today, such as Israel, to whom it could also be
validly applied, and some of whom, like our “American Jingoes,”
it would be much easier and safer to talk about than to discuss
the Zionists themselves, or even the Talmudic and Cabbalistic
Jews.) But, this magnanimous Catholic Englishman also attempts
to make some larger points for our benefit and by way of
explanation, for he desires first to understand
“the alien thing” that he may then resist it! In a lucid
paraphrase of Chesterton's own insights, Frank Sheed says:
He [Chesterton] had formed a certain theory of Germany –
part of a larger theory of Europe – and everything that happened
from 1914 to his death in 1936 confirmed it, though not so
spectacularly as it has been confirmed by all that has happened
since [i.e., between 1936 and 1940]. What the theory is appears
fully in the essays themselves, but I give it here in skeleton
in order to explain the plan of the book. There is a reality
called Europe, which makes more sense when you see it as
Christendom. To this reality Germany belongs and Prussia
does not belong [although “the Christian State of Poland” is a
full part of this reality, too, in contrast to “the almost
Asiatic State of Muscovy”].
The problem for Europe is the healing of Germany by the
exorcising of Prussianism; and this, to vary the metaphor,
means some sort of uprooting. If racial arrogance
had been first taught to the Germans by Hitler, the
problem of uprooting it would be less grave, for Hitler
is too new to have struck deep root. But it [“racial arrogance”]
is a thing long growing and its roots are centuries
deep. That is why the first section of this book is on
Prussianism. There is a force there which by its very nature
is an abiding trouble to Germany and so to the world. Prussia
might conceivably be converted by a real religious conversion;
otherwise it must be restrained. And to be restrained it must be
understood.
Sheed poignantly adds: “If we misconstrue its nature [i.e., the
nature of Prussianism and of its further mutation, “Hitlerism,”
which spreads aggressively its own “heresy of Race, showing
that the world can never be at peace while that heresy remains
unbroken”],
we shall repeat the mistake [and injustice] of Versailles [“the
Carthaginian Peace Treaty”] – we shall build our dams in the
wrong places.”
Trying, therefore, to understand the nature of this larger
phenomenon with his wholeness and sincerity of heart, Chesterton
himself says, with his inimitable touch of light irony and
striking paradox:
The trouble of the whole business, for those who do not
understand Germany [as of the mid-1930s] is the fact that the
strange self-worship of that strange people is really
quite as strong in those who call themselves
liberals because they are atheists, as in those who
are honestly patriots making some attempt to remain
Christians. Or rather more so [is the tribal pride of the
atheists!]. The more weak-kneed German Catholic may march a good
part of the way with Prussianism; but he cannot actually reach
the point of Paganism. The German Freethinker [,however,] need
only take one step into complete Paganism. Even the
Lutheran remembers that there was somebody before Luther; for
whom Luther himself expressed some regard. And the
ethnological proofs that Jesus Christ was a pure Nordic
Teuton are not so satisfactory as was hoped. But the
German Sceptic can be completely sceptical about anyone who is
not a German; and can put Luther as high above Christ as he
likes. It is the very nature of this new religion of Race
that it flourishes better in a world of irreligion
[and de-Christianization], than of anything we used to call
religion.
The
secular Enlightenment and French Revolution have both helped to
foster this culture of irreligion and apostasy, and even to
prepare the way for “this new religion of Race” and “Tribal
Fury”
as well as for “the Cult of Man.” Let us face the facts frankly,
and let us face the “inner logic” of the Enlightenment's own
implanted secular premises, which often smugly, and even
insolently, promoted the “Dialectic of the Revolution” against
Christian civilization, especially against Catholic Christendom.
Their “Revolutionary Naturalism” led to “Revolutionary
Nationalism” – also Modern Jewish Nationalism.
In
sharp contrast to the Catholic Chesterton, A.W. De Porte – then
a resident scholar at the Council of Foreign Relations (CFR), in
the U.S.A. – wrote a lucid, but often frigid, book some years
after World War II. It was entitled Europe between the
Superpowers: The Enduring Balance (1986 – 2nd
edition).
His essential argument is that the Treaty-of-Westphalia System
could not contain Germany, with all of its expansive nationalism
and explosive energy, after Germany had been first united
under Prussian leadership in 1870-1871; and, so, Europe then
had to fight two destructive World Wars. But, now, Europe must
be fittingly divided (as it still then was in 1986) between the
two new superpowers – the Soviet Union and the United States –
in order, he argued, to keep it enduringly balanced and stable
and peaceful, as well as prosperous. G.K. Chesterton's analysis
– a moral, spiritual, and religious as well as
cultural-historical analysis – goes much deeper, I believe, and
is more illuminating of reality – then and now.
Chesterton would have us further understand that:
In so far as “Germans,” if not “Germany,” represent a reality in
European history [as a part of historic Christianity], in
that sense and in that degree Prussia was simply a
revolt against Germany [not only in the late
Nineteenth-Century Kulturkampf]. The Hohenzollerns were a
belated mutiny against the Hohenstaufens. The thing that
troubles Europe [as of the mid-1930s] is something that was
really Anti-German as well as Anti-European .... The trouble is
that a particular patch of the Baltic Plain [namely Prussia] was
always too far away from the German Empire [the Holy Roman
Empire of the German Nations], as well as the Roman Empire. Its
nearness to the Baltic ports gives it a sort of cold
cosmopolitan activity, like a very remote colony, while
leaving it [Prussia] unwarmed by the more glowing cultures of
the south, the vineyards, the shrines, the chivalries and
charities of the Faith.
Indeed, he says:
The patch of what we call Prussia, like many patches of what we
call Russia, is and has long been a bitter breeding-ground
for crude and cranky ideas; a dark and tangled garden of
tares and thorns and thistles, on which long-eared professors
still solemnly feed .... We must rather imagine [by way of
analogy] we are dealing with some strange strip of culture
in Asia Minor or Mesopotamia, which was a seed-plot of
heresies or inhuman cults in the cosmopolitan world of
Antiquity or the Dark Ages. We do not get even near to nerve
the truth, by talking for or against “Germany.”
More important than “big imperial and national labels,” however,
there is something else: “For the international division is a
religious division,” in a very deep sense.
For, “all human conflicts are ultimately theological” (the
memorable words of Henry Cardinal Manning). This insight should
give us much to ponder. It is an important criterion,
also for us today.
With reference to the ideology of Prussia – Prussianism and its
own special culture (“vital medium”) of ideas – Chesterton
says:
The whole point about the ideas born in this borderland
is that they are NOT the normal and traditional
prejudices of the older nations. They always have about them
that fatal illusion of freshness which belongs to half-baked
culture, to cheap new religions, to cocksure colonial [or
imperial] policies .... These people [perhaps like the
contemporary Jingo-Americans?] are always led deeper and deeper
into the mire by their favourite word “Forward!”
It was the title of a militant paper before the War
[World War I], run by a Jingo Jew who told Germany to
break through Europe as an oak breaks through the thicket,
without thought of right or wrong. Towards the end of the
war, when Germany really needed defending, the Jew [the editor
of the Forward] became a Pacifist. When I think of that
particular sort of Jew, I can understand Hitler being an
Anti-Semite. But he [Hitler] is none the less a fool to fall
back in believing the Jew's first lie [i.e., his
advocation of unjust aggression and mere Machtpolitik],
which the Jew himself had to abandon.
Furthermore, Chesterton trenchantly adds:
The danger of the Nazi crisis is that it may mean a renewal
of the abnormal and anarchical notions that thrive in
the cold unrest which blows like an eternal east wind upon
that Baltic Shore. Whether it was the atheism and ape-like
energy of Frederick [Frederick the Great, Frederick II, of
Prussia] whose ambition was a hungry hollow not to
be filled, or whether it was the white nightmare of Superman,
pure and spotless as Antichrist... – there was about this narrow
Northern culture something not quite human .... The Kaiser
[during the Boxer rebellion in 1900 in China] did actually tell
his soldiers to behave like Huns.
Lest we be ourselves drawn into “false dialectics” today, and
enticed into their many “lures and traps,” we should also learn
from Chesterton about the intimately destructive consequences
of certain “evil friendships” in history, especially “that
strange friendship” between Voltaire and Frederick the Second of
Prussia.
It recalls for us, also, the comparably strange “friendship” of
Pontius Pilate and King Herod.
For, just as it was so that, on “that great social occasion when
Pilate and Herod shook hands” – around the year 33 A.D. – “the
two rulers were reconciled [and] on the very day when one of
these convicts [a certain Jesus of Nazareth] was crucified”
casually and cynically from out of “an ordinary batch of
criminals;” so, too, has it often happened again in history.
For, as in the case of Herod
and Pilate, “something led them to seek each other's support, a
vague sense of [common] social crisis.”
In this case, it was a crisis caused by germinal, not pervasive,
Christianity. But, this speciously expedient reconciliation did
indeed happen, and, ironically, says Chesterton, “that is what
many people mean by Peace, and the substitution of a
reign of Love for one of Hatred.“
For, Christ was – and still is – so divisive!
Others, however, mostly Christians perhaps, would call this
corrupt collaboration of Pilate and Herod “a certain social
interdependence and solidarity among murderers.”
It would certainly be imperfect, as the soft irony of Chesterton
continues, “to identify this form of Love with the
original mystical idea of Charity.”
Chesterton's insight about the communio malorum goes even
further, and is politely expressed with an altogether exquisite
irony:
It sometimes seems to me that history is dominated by these evil
friendships. As all Christian history begins with the happy
reconciliation of Herod and Pilate, so all modern history,
in the recent revolutionary sense, begins with that
strange friendship [between Voltaire and Frederick the Great of
Prussia] which ended in a quarrel, as the first quarrel [between
Pilate and Herod] had ended in a friendship [“i.e., when Pilate
and Herod shook hands”]. I mean that the two elements of
destruction, which make the modern world more and more
incalculable, were loosened with the light of that forgotten
day when [Voltaire] ... traveled north with much annoyance
to find the palace of a Prussian king, far away in the
freezing Baltic Plain .... The meeting of these two men,
in the mid-winter of eighteenth-century scepticism and
secularism [and sneering cynicism, too, which is so opposed
to the Social Kingship of Christ and Catholic-Christian
Civilization], is a sort of spiritual marriage which
brought forth the modern world.
But, because of the final quarrel and “divorce” between
Frederick and Voltaire, there came into the modern world, not
“one united thing, but two conflicting things” (a sort of civil
war within the Revolution). Nevertheless, both of these
men had a common target: Catholic Christianity. Despite their
personal conflict, they together constituted an unmistakably
destructive dialectic of dissolution. That is to say, a
destructive dialectic of seemingly opposing things, “which
between them were to shake the world to pieces.”
In other words:
From Voltaire the Latins were to learn a
raging scepticism. From Frederick the Teutons were to learn
a raging pride.
These two men, despite their differences,
agreed and met “on the basis that there is no God, or no God who
is concerned with men any more than with mites in cheese;” but
their personal quarrel likewise “ended by launching two European
forces against each other, both rooted in the same unbelief.”This “Civil War within the Revolution” was, and
still is, effectively, a Revolution against the Catholic Faith
and historic Catholic Christendom, even its remnants today.
In
more colloquial formulations, says Chesterton:
Voltaire said in effect, “I will show you that the sneers of
a sceptic can produce a Revolution and a Republic and
everywhere the overthrowing of thrones.” And Frederick answered,
“And I will show you that this same sneering scepticism
can be used as easily to resist Reform, let alone Revolution;
that scepticism can be the basis of support for the most
tyrannical of thrones, for the bare brute domination of a master
over his slaves [as Hegel would himself also, in part, later
articulate it].
Such were the evil seeds that were scattered and implanted by
these two men and their promoted ideas, but
Of every such evil seed it may be noted that
the seed is different from the flower, and the flower from the
fruit. A demon of distortion always twists it even out of
its own unnatural nature. It [the evil seed] may turn into
almost anything, except anything really good .... That
Voltairean influence has not ended in the rule of mobs [neither
“democratic,” nor even “ochlocratic”]; but [, rather,] in the
rule of secret societies .... For the evil spirit of
Frederick the Great has produced what might seem the very
opposite evil. He who worshipped nothing has become a god who is
quite blindly worshipped .... But the root of both
perversions is in the common ground of atheist irresponsibility;
there was nothing to stop the sceptic from turning democracy
into secrecy; there was nothing to stop him [i.e. The
Autocrat] interpreting liberty as the infinite licence of
tyranny. The spiritual zero of Christendom was at
that freezing instant when those two dry thin hatchet-faced men
looked in each other's hollow eyes, and saw the sneer
that was as eternal as the smile of a skull. Between them,
they have nearly killed the thing by which we live.
It is, at least, the thing by which those of
the Catholic Faith do still live.
The
thing by which we live: that is to say, the Faith and the Grace
of Christ and His public order of Christendom, with its
spiritual and corporal works of mercy, deepened and warmed, as
well – even today – “by the more glowing cultures of the South,
the vineyards, the shrines, the chivalries and charities of the
Faith.”
There is no weak sentimentalism here – but, rather, the redolent
and vivid poetry and resilience of the Faith!
Such a Faith constitutes the permanent counterpoise to
Voltaire's and Frederick's cold sneering and cynicism and
mockery; and a constant counter-movement, under Grace, to the
corrosion of hopelessness and the congealment of lovelessness!
G.K.
Chesterton has much to teach us, to include the shallow,
eclectic “Ecumenists” (or “Sentimental Syncretists”) of today,
who are now to be found, not just in the Anglican, but also in
the Roman Catholic Church. For, syncretism, once again, tends to
weaken the integrity and the constancy of moral resistance; and
sentimentalism itself is the affective (or emotional) side of
the intellectual “Dialectic,” in that it always inclines the
moral agent himself (i.e., the often-unaware “victim” of
sentimentalism) to deny the principle of non-contradiction.
Chesterton's insights about Pride are not only timeless, but
timely, especially in the context of the over-reaching American
Empire of today, which is sometimes more euphemistically called
“the Emerging American Empire.” The Christian-Zionist guides and
acolytes and fervent supporters of this Imperium, as well as
their Judeo-Zionist collaborators, both appear to hold – despite
their irreconcilable differences – certain common, self-exalting
beliefs of “chosenness” and “exceptionalism” and “aggressive
collective superiority.” This may be seen, more specifically, in
their rather euphemistic promotion of “Messianic Democracy,” for
example in “the Global War on Terrorism and Tyranny.”
Such a condescending and frequently insolent ethos of “creative
destruction” and “exclusive uniqueness,” not only uproots other
cultures, but seems to consider itself immune from both
the moral blindness and the towering spiritual weakness of
Pride.
The
New Machiavellianism and the now very popular, presumed “Power
of Pride” appear to be triumphant in America for the time being,
even while, in my judgment, they “strut to their confusion” –
and also ours. For, the “lesser people,” the little ones, will
also suffer, not just their leaders and our strategic “chaos
managers.”
Even the courageous and very modest scholar, and former C.I.A.
Analyst, Dr. Michael Scheuer, himself a Roman Catholic, recently
wrote a “New Epilogue: An Essay Personal and Substantive” to his
original and manifoldly excellent book, Imperial Hubris,
wherein he now quite approvingly quotes the cynical wisdom of
Machiavelli – as does, much more understandably so, Dr. Michael
Ledeen (the Neo-Conservative scholar and one of Scheuer's former
opponents):
Simply put, by not killing more of our enemies at the outset, we
will be forced to kill a great many more later. In Iraq and
Afghanistan, we made the disastrous mistake Machiavelli
warned [us] against in The Prince centuries ago.
“Hence we may learn the lesson,” Machiavelli wrote, “that
on seizing a state [especially unjustly], the usurper should
make haste to inflict what injuries he must, at a stroke, that
he may not have to renew them daily, but be enabled by their
discontinuance to reassure men's minds, and afterwards win them
over with benefits. Whosoever, either through timidity [i.e.,
“provocative weakness”] or from following bad counsels, adopts a
contrary course, must keep the sword always drawn, and can put
no trust in his subjects, who suffering from continued and
constantly renewed severities, will never yield him their
confidence [i.e., their trust]. Injuries, therefore,
should be inflicted all at once ....” For those worried that
using greater military force against Islamist fighters – and
causing unavoidable civilian deaths – will make America more
hated by Muslims, I would advice them to stow their worries
[i.e., to put these anxieties in storage]. We must defend
America, and our policies leave force as our sole tool [and
maybe, also, a good measure of Fraud?].
Scheuer also now says that “The Islamists can not be appeased;
America's choice is [now] between war and endless war.”
Therefore, the United States, in his view, must now get really
serious and fight, not a fake war, but a genuine war, although,
very surprisingly, Scheuer himself entirely begs the question of
its justice, as well as such a war's true prudence. With
reference to the Generals (and Admirals), Scheuer even concludes
that “Our current careerist general officers will be remembered,
if remembered at all, for silently wasting the lives of
their troops in the to-date phony wars [sic] in
Afghanistan and Iraq.”
Even more summarily, he says: “Today, America's political,
military, and bureaucratic leaders are choosing to lose
the 'Global War on Terrorism.'”
This neo-Catholic, neo-Machiavellian thinker appears altogether
inattentive to the criteria and standards of Just War, an
indispensable part of the Roman Catholic tradition of moral
theology in its reflections upon the use of power and martial
force.
By
way of contrast with this current Catholic thinker, G.K.
Chesterton – in his own selfless and grateful humility and
magnanimity and Christian hope – discerned in a more nuanced
and differentiated way, and over seventy years ago, what would
be the results of “that general break-up of the brain, which
seems to be following on the break-up of the creed of
Christendom.”
The Christian Creed, once cracked, leads to the break-up of the
Christian Code. That is to say, the moral code that derives from
the creed. Hilaire Belloc, one of Chesterton's close friends,
put it very well at the end of one of his verses, in a more
humorous Coda:
“The
Moral is, it is indeed;
You mustn't monkey with the Creed.”
In
contrast to the “chivalries and charities” of the older Creed
and Code of Catholic Christendom, what will likely be, by way of
contrast, the “chivalries and charities” of our newly Judaized,
Protestant American Empire, both at home and abroad? And what
will be its “warming” Creed and Code?
Just as there was once a strong Catholic Resistance under the
growing tyranny of the Tudor Supremacy of Queen Elizabeth, will
there also be, once again, even today, such a strategic-minded
“Catholic Recusancy,” as it was the case with the Jesuits of
old? And will there be in us, as there was in the heroic and
holy life and death of Saint Edmund Campion – himself a young
Jesuit priest – “the spirit of chivalry in which they [Campion
and the other English martyrs] suffered”?
For, it was by their encouraging examples of fidelity to the
end that the other Catholic recusants themselves, sub
gratia, grew more fruitful of the good. For, many of them
truly imitated that early, combatant Jesuit spirit, so newly
risen in the Sixteenth Century. That is to say, that magnanimous
and resilient and “entirely new spirit of which Campion is the
type: the chivalry of Lepanto and the poetry of La Mancha,
light, tender, generous and ardent.”
As
it was the case for Saint Ignatius Loyola himself, and also for
G.K. Chesterton, and as it is still so nourishing for us today,
this high spirit and faithful perseverance of Edmund Campion and
his companions were always rooted in the Grace of Christ and in
the “Humility of the Incarnation.”
--FINIS--
© 2006 Robert Hickson
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